On the Right Side of Survival

A few days ago, while distractedly flipping through television channels on a Saturday morning, a WWII song cheering the partisans to fight the occupiers suddenly rang out in the house. In a small village of Opatje Selo in Southwestern Slovenia, near the border with Italy, they were commemorating the anniversary of the return of the Slovenian Littoral to the homeland. I admit, it warmed my heart. At a time when many are attempting to revise history, questioning the national liberation struggle and demonizing anti-fascism, remembering those times when the Slovenian nation bravely resisted foreign occupation is important—for the past, the present, and the future. The celebration, as it should be, included standard-bearers, singers, and actors reciting the poetry of Karel Destovnik-Kajuh. There were, of course, also speeches, including one by the first president of a free, independent, and democratic Slovenia, Milan Kučan. In his address, he touched upon the ongoing year-and-a-half-long Russian aggression against Ukraine. "To be on the right side of history at this time means to be on the side of peace."

His statement sparked many heated reactions in parts of the public. I don't understand why. In Ukraine, a bloody conflict is taking place, with thousands of young people dying on both sides. Ukrainian cities and villages are being destroyed. In ruthless Russian bombings, civilians, including children, are dying. Russian occupiers have committed a long list of war crimes in the occupied territories. Russian aggression against a neighbouring state is causing further destabilization of the international order and stability, which were already on shaky ground, to be honest. Who in their right mind wouldn’t want this carnage and human suffering to end as soon as possible? Whoever is not on the side of peace right now is certainly not on the right side of history. Not just history, but also of basic humanity. And ultimately, if anyone truly desires peace, it is first and foremost the Ukrainians, who were thrust into this senseless and destructive conflict by the Russian aggressor. Ukrainians, like the people of the Slovenian Littoral decades ago—and all Slovenians—want nothing more than to live in peace. And in freedom. That is the right of every nation. Then, and now.

The first president of free, independent, and democratic Slovenia also spoke about the legacy of fascism, which brought so much suffering to the Slovenian nation. He pointed out that we still have not received a proper apology for the pain inflicted. That matters. Not only because of the past, but also the present, in which fascism, in various forms and places, is once again rearing its ugly head. Our future depends vitally on how we respond to the resurgence of such ideas and ideologies wherever they arise. Anyone who today is truly an anti-fascist and democrat in heart, words, and actions cannot close their eyes to the fact that the aggression against Ukraine is above all the result of an authoritarian policy that, for twenty years now and increasingly obviously, has built its power domestically by suppressing minorities and liquidating political opponents and critics, and externally through nationalist and imperialist aggression toward other countries. If that isn’t fascism, it’s damned close.

This, of course, does not mean the world is black and white or that no one else bears any guilt. There are various views on how much blame each side carries, and disagreements on this point are normal and to be expected. The former president emphasized that different perspectives exist on the causes of the war. That, too, is normal, and we can and should talk and argue about it—as long as we don’t draw an equivalence between the victim and the aggressor. Because in that moment, we are no longer on the right side of history, but on the side of the aggressor. As I mentioned, the international order, stability, and peace were already in a dismal state before Russian aggression. There’s no doubt that Russia wasn’t the only one responsible. For years we lived in a unipolar world where the lone global power rarely missed an opportunity to fail in its dominance and cause harm. That this can no longer continue is clear. But it matters how we undertake the urgently needed overhaul of global stability and peace. In this dilemma, Putin is not and cannot be part of the solution; he and his policies are a big part of the problem.

The former president noted that the Russian aggression against Ukraine is part of a geopolitical conflict between major powers. I agree. Russia attacked Ukraine as part of Putin’s plan to expand Russian territory to the borders of the former Russian empire and beyond. The United States and the European Union are helping Ukraine in part because the success of Putin’s lebensraum ambitions is not in their interest. But the fact that this war is also a conflict of great powers’ interests does not mean we can draw a false equivalence between them. One of these great powers is pursuing its interests through aggression, the others, through support for the victim of that aggression. Even more problematic is when this vague talk of geopolitical confrontation leads to conclusions about shared responsibility for ending the war. Yes, both sides in this great power conflict can contribute to ending the war, but not in the same way and not with the same consequences. Especially not for Ukraine. Russia can end the war in an instant by withdrawing its occupying forces. Ukraine’s supporters can only end the war by ceasing to help and abandoning it to the mercy of the aggressor.

I am convinced that those who sincerely reject imperialism—any and all forms of it—cannot accept the notion that the war in Ukraine should or could be ended through backroom deals between great powers trading away someone else's territory, freedom, and survival. Half of Ukraine, and a handshake? That such "peace plans" are promoted by the likes of Trump is no surprise, as they benefit his ideological allies and cronies. But I also believe that those who are not ready to abandon the vision of a world based on international law, justice, freedom, and equality for all—regardless of their power or size—will not deny Ukrainians the right to a national liberation struggle against a foreign imperialist occupier who has never hidden his ambition to erase them from the map as a state and a people.

I have great respect for the first president of free, independent, and democratic Slovenia. I have no doubt about his commitment to anti-fascist and democratic values. That’s why I don’t mind if we differ on some points. Because I know he sincerely wants peace. And because I believe he understands that those of us who view some issues differently also sincerely want peace in Ukraine. Because I believe he understands and respects that Ukraine and Ukrainians—like the people of the Slovenian Littoral and all Slovenians during the national liberation struggle against foreign occupation—do not merely want to remain on the right side of history, but also on the right side of survival. And for that, they need and deserve our support and help.