Democracy on Ventilators

“Remember, democracy never lasts long. It soon wastes, exhausts, and murders itself. There never was a democracy yet that did not commit suicide.” These words by John Adams, one of the authors of the American Declaration of Independence, always struck me as overly pessimistic. I believed it was the gloom of a bygone era, when people weren’t as skilled with democracy as we are today. For a long time—especially after the fall of the Berlin Wall—most of us believed that democracy was doing just fine and would last forever. Then some began to worry that something might be wrong with it. And today, more and more believe that democracy itself is the problem. I think we can all agree that it's running out of breath. Maybe Adams did, after all, know what he was talking about.

I don’t know exactly what made Adams so bleak, but I do have some thoughts on how and why democracy today—if not on the brink of suicide—is at least in such poor shape it may soon need to be hooked up to life support. Ironically, its decline began a few years before we in Eastern Europe discovered democracy and embraced it with boundless enthusiasm. Around the late 1970s, the Western world started adopting an economic and political doctrine based on the belief that society doesn't exist, the state is unnecessary, and social justice and solidarity are dangerous. The invisible hand of the market would supposedly bring prosperity to all—though admittedly, some sooner than others, as profits “trickled down.”

This was the beginning of the end of the welfare state—a concept built after WWII primarily by European conservatives and Christian democrats. It was rooted in the pre-war European experience and in the conviction that social peace isn’t a cost, but an investment in a stable, prosperous, peaceful, and democratic future. Instead, today we have a growing reservoir of disillusioned and increasingly angry citizens who are, justifiably, more and more anxious about their own and their children’s futures. These people no longer believe in democracy and are increasingly willing to embrace populist authoritarian alternatives—alternatives that offer no real solutions but at least pretend to understand their anger and pain. Democracy has emptied itself out and gasped for air, just as Adams warned. If we just sigh and express concern, we will eventually see the rest of Adams’s prophecy fulfilled: the end of democracy. Which, believe me, would be deeply unpleasant. So perhaps it’s still worth trying to prove Adams wrong.

There are no magical solutions, but there are some ideas about where to begin:

1. Restore hope and faith in the future.

Democracy can’t function in a society where people fear for how they’ll live tomorrow—or for their children's future. Fear, anger, and hatred are the fuel of undemocratic and authoritarian alternatives. The worse off people are, the more frightened and furious they become, the more open they are to politics rooted in division and strongman leadership.

But hope can’t be manufactured through hollow slogans. People need tangible, credible evidence that they will have jobs, their children quality education, proper healthcare, and that society won’t abandon them. Democracy needs hope in a better future—not just for a few, but for the whole of society. That hope can only be restored through strengthening the welfare state. In Slovenia, this isn’t just about safeguarding democracy’s future—it’s also required by Article 2 of our Constitution.

1. Restore trust in politics.

In short, liberal democracy has largely been damaged by the very politicians who loudly proclaimed their devotion to democratic values—while often betraying them through opportunism, short-termism, inconsistency, lack of integrity, and plain incompetence. A suicide, as Adams described it—or at least a traumatic act of self-harm.

Authoritarian populists have capitalized on opportunities gifted to them by these self-proclaimed democrats—especially those who refuse to see, or simply don’t understand, how their moral relativism about the obscene mass killing of civilians in Gaza undermines their credibility on any issue, especially when preaching about democracy, international law, humanity, or human rights. Or those in Slovenia who ignore the devastating effects of unresolved, consequence-free corruption scandals—like the TEŠ power plant case—on public trust in politics, and therefore in democracy itself.

1. Listen to, understand, and respect the people.

It sounds simple and obvious, but politicians often struggle with this. They can’t resist lecturing people who worry about their economic and social circumstances on the virtues of democracy and human rights. People are fed up—with politics, with human rights, and with democracy. To save it, we must first address the social and economic pain that caused this loss of trust in the future, and therefore in democracy.

This doesn’t mean we stop defending human rights or vulnerable groups—on the contrary. But we must recognize that effective, lasting protection of rights requires more than top-down rhetoric. It requires bottom-up tolerance, and material conditions that support it.

Beyond addressing the root causes of the democratic crisis, we must also pay attention to its secondary manifestations—popular unrest, for instance. Just because populists exploit public anger and scapegoat minorities doesn’t mean all fears and frustrations are manufactured or undeserving of a response.

Take migration. Yes, it’s fundamentally about solidarity, humanity, and international law, which obligates us to help people in distress. And yes, we need migration—our populations are aging and shrinking. But that doesn’t mean we can ignore the challenges migration can bring, especially when flows are large, rapid, and concentrated. Without investment in integration, we’re planting time bombs.

If we want to stop authoritarians from exploiting these tensions and inciting hatred, we must respond effectively to real, short-term problems. It’s wrong to dismiss concerned citizens as bigots. But even worse—and sadly most common—is when mainstream politicians, in their weakness or incompetence, try to outdo populists in xenophobic rhetoric. Despite the evidence that this never works, some democrats still believe they’ll be the first in history to succeed at it. For those interested, Google: “Europe will be Christian, or it will be no more.”

1. Offer citizens opportunities to engage in democracy—and motivate them to do so.

Some people, disillusioned with politics and democracy, turn to anti-democratic alternatives. Others simply tune out, believing they have no influence, especially within formal democratic institutions. But this doesn’t mean they’re indifferent to public affairs—many express their views on social media or at protests. Democracy must respond to this, and also adapt to how technology has changed people’s lives.

There are plenty of good examples of deliberative and participatory democracy—especially at the local level. That’s important and promising. But there’s a caveat. First, we shouldn’t assume people are disillusioned with democracy just because they’re bored with its current forms or too lazy to vote unless they can use a smartphone app. Second, these alternative forms must have real impact. If they don’t, they’re just a trick—and deepen distrust.

Take Macron’s citizen consultations in France, or the EU’s periodic “conferences on the future of Europe.” After the initial fanfare, we rarely hear about them again.

Lastly, democracy also demands knowledge and skills. Of course, this applies primarily to politicians. A society that elevates mediocrities and amateurs to power is bad news for democracy. But citizens need democratic competence too—not as a prerequisite for participation, but as an investment in stronger, more resilient democracy.

That’s why we need robust civic education in schools, where students gain the tools to participate meaningfully. But again—another caveat. Even the best programs won’t work if they’re taught in an environment where adults (including politicians) increasingly reject the very values we’re trying to pass on. Even if young people gain democratic skills, we’ll only be halfway to saving democracy if most adults still live inside bubbles of like-minded intolerance.

And that won’t be enough.

As John Adams said, in one of his less gloomy moments:

“Liberty cannot be preserved without general knowledge among the people, who have a right to know and a desire to know.”